Post by TsarSamuil on Oct 22, 2020 14:34:11 GMT -5
bwaaahahahahaahaa take that you anti-Bulgarian, anti-Slavic pieces of shit! Good riddance, vile organization!
Greece: Leader of Neo-Nazi Golden Dawn Group, Michaloliakos, Jailed for 13 Years.
Novinite.com Politics | October 22, 2020, Thursday // 16:05
Leaders of the Neo-Nazi party have been sentenced to prison for running a criminal gang. The ruling is the culmination of a trial that has been described as one of the most important in Greece's political history reports DW.
A Greek court on Wednesday handed a 13-year jail term to the leader of the neo-Nazi group Golden Dawn, Nikos Michaloliakos, for running a criminal organization under the guise of a political party.
Six other former senior members were sentenced between 10 and 13 years on similar charges, and 11 former Golden Dawn lawmakers were sentenced to between five and seven years in prison for being members of a criminal group.
Golden Dawn has been blamed for organizing multiple, violent attacks targeting immigrants and left-wing activists. Most were carried out in Athens.
The landmark ruling is the culmination of a five-year court case that involved more than 50 defendants convicted of crimes ranging from illegal weapons possession, murder and assault./DW
Post by TsarSamuil on Oct 22, 2020 14:41:56 GMT -5
Oh, I have missed this bbc article, how rare news, Europe normally ignored their existence..probably has nothing to do with their asskissing to NATO?..
Greece's invisible minority - the Macedonian Slavs.
Bbc.co.uk 24 February 2019
In January, Greece ratified an agreement with the newly renamed Republic of North Macedonia. There are some who argue this is the first step towards recognising the existence of a Macedonian language and ethnicity - and yet Greece has denied the existence of its own Macedonian minority for decades, says Maria Margaronis. Will something now change?
Mr Fokas, 92, stands straight as a spear in his tan leather brogues and cream blazer, barely leaning on the ebony and ivory cane brought from Romania by his grandfather a century ago. His mind and his memory are as sharp as his outfit.
A retired lawyer, Mr Fokas speaks impeccable formal Greek with a distinctive lilt: his mother tongue is Macedonian, a Slavic language related to Bulgarian and spoken in this part of the Balkans for centuries. At his son's modern house in a village in northern Greece, he takes me through the painful history of Greece's unrecognised Slavic-speaking minority.
Mr Fokas takes care to emphasise from the start that he is both an ethnic Macedonian and a Greek patriot. He has good reason to underline his loyalty: for almost a century, ethnic Macedonians in Greece have been objects of suspicion and, at times, persecution, even as their presence has been denied by almost everyone.
Most are reluctant to speak to outsiders about their identity. To themselves and others, they're known simply as "locals" (dopyi), who speak a language called "local" (dopya). They are entirely absent from school history textbooks, have not featured in censuses since 1951 (when they were only patchily recorded, and referred to simply as "Slavic-speakers"), and are barely mentioned in public. Most Greeks don't even know that they exist.
That erasure was one reason for Greece's long-running dispute with the former Yugoslav republic now officially called the Republic of North Macedonia. The dispute was finally resolved last month by a vote in the Greek parliament ratifying (by a majority of just seven) an agreement made last June by the countries' two prime ministers. When the Greek Prime Minster, Alexis Tsipras, referred during the parliamentary debate to the existence of "Slavomacedonians" in Greece - at the time of World War Two - he was breaking a long-standing taboo.
The use of the name "Macedonia" by the neighbouring nation state implicitly acknowledges that Macedonians are a people in their own right, and opens the door to hard questions about the history of Greece's own Macedonian minority.
When Mr Fokas was born, the northern Greek region of Macedonia had only recently been annexed by the Greek state. Until 1913 it was part of the Ottoman Empire, with Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia all wooing its Slavic-speaking inhabitants as a means to claiming the territory. It was partly in reaction to those competing forces that a distinctive Slav Macedonian identity emerged in the late 19th and early 20th Century. As Mr Fokas's uncle used to say, the family was "neither Serb, nor Greek, nor Bulgarian, but Macedonian Orthodox".
In the end, the Slav Macedonians found themselves divided between those three new states. In Greece, some were expelled; those who remained were pushed to assimilate. All villages and towns with non-Greek names were given new ones, chosen by a committee of scholars in the late 1920s, though almost a century later some "locals" still use the old ones.
In 1936, when Mr Fokas was nine years old, the Greek dictator Ioannis Metaxas (an admirer of Mussolini) banned the Macedonian language, and forced Macedonian-speakers to change their names to Greek ones.
Mr Fokas remembers policemen eavesdropping on mourners at funerals and listening at windows to catch anyone speaking or singing in the forbidden tongue. There were lawsuits, threats and beatings.
Women - who often spoke no Greek - would cover their mouths with their headscarves to muffle their speech, but Mr Fokas's mother was arrested and fined 250 drachmas, a big sum back then.
Macedonian villagers in Greece in 1947
"Slavic-speakers suffered a lot from the Greeks under Metaxas," he says. "Twenty people from this village, the heads of the big families, were exiled to the island of Chios. My father-in-law was one of them." They were tortured by being forced to drink castor oil, a powerful laxative.
When Germany, Italy and Bulgaria occupied Greece in 1941, some Slavic-speakers welcomed the Bulgarians as potential liberators from Metaxas's repressive regime. But many soon joined the resistance, led by the Communist Party (which at that time supported the Macedonian minority) and continued fighting with the Communists in the civil war that followed the Axis occupation. (Bulgaria annexed the eastern part of Greek Macedonia from 1941 to 1944, committing many atrocities; many Greeks wrongly attribute these to Macedonians, whom they identify as Bulgarians.)
When the Communists were finally defeated, severe reprisals followed for anyone associated with the resistance or the left.
"Macedonians paid more than anyone for the civil war," Mr Fokas says. "Eight people were court-martialled and executed from this village, eight from the next village, 23 from the one opposite. They killed a grandfather and his grandson, just 18 years old."
Mr Fokas was a student in Thessaloniki then - but he too was arrested and spent three years on the prison island of Makronisos, not because of anything he'd done but because his mother had helped her brother-in-law escape through the skylight of a cafe where he was being held.
Most of the prisoners on Makronisos were Greek leftists, and were pressed to sign declarations of repentance for their alleged Communist past. Those who refused were made to crawl under barbed wire, or beaten with thick bamboo canes. "Terrible things were done," Mr Fokas says. "But we mustn't talk about them. It's an insult to Greek civilisation. It harms Greece's good name."
Tens of thousands of fighters with the Democratic Army, about half of them Slavic-speakers, went into exile in Eastern bloc countries during and after the civil war. About 20,000 children were taken across the border by the Communists, whether for their protection or as reserve troops for a future counter-attack.
Many Slavic-speaking civilians also went north for safety. Entire villages were left empty, like the old settlement of Krystallopigi (Smrdes in Macedonian) near the Albanian border, where only the imposing church of St George stands witness to a population that once numbered more than 1,500 souls.
The church of St George in Krystallopigi / Smrdes
In 1982, more than 30 years after the conflict's end, Greece's socialist government issued a decree allowing civil war refugees to return - but only those who were "of Greek ethnicity". Ethnic Macedonians from Greece remained shut out of their country, their villages and their land; families separated by the war were never reunited.
Mr Fokas's father-in-law and brother-in-law both died in Skopje. But, he points out, that decree tacitly recognised that there were ethnic Macedonians in Greece, even though the state never officially recognised their existence: "Those war refugees left children, grandchildren, fathers, mothers behind. What were they, if not Macedonians?"
It's impossible accurately to calculate the number of Slavic-speakers or descendants of ethnic Macedonians in Greece. Historian Leonidas Embiricos estimates that more than 100,000 still live in the Greek region of Macedonia, though only 10,000 to 20,000 would identify openly as members of a minority - and many others are proud Greek nationalists.
The Macedonian language hasn't officially been banned in Greece for decades, but the fear still lingers. A middle-aged man I met in a village near the reed beds of Lake Prespa, where the agreement between Greece and the North Macedonian republic was first signed last June, explained that this fear is passed down through the generations. "My parents didn't speak the language at home in case I picked it up and spoke it in public. To protect me. We don't even remember why we're afraid any more," he said. Slowly the language is dying. Years of repression pushed it indoors; assimilation is finishing the job.
And yet speaking or singing in Macedonian can still be cause for harassment. Mr Fokas's son is a musician; he plays the haunting Macedonian flute for us as his own small son looks on. He and a group of friends used to host an international music festival in the village square, with bands from as far away as Brazil, Mexico and Russia.
"After those bands had played we'd have a party and play Macedonian songs," he says. "None of them were nationalist or separatist songs - we would never allow that. But in 2008, just as we were expecting the foreign musicians to arrive, the local authority suddenly banned us from holding the festival in the square, even though other people - the very ones who wanted us banned - still hold their own events there."
Greece's position The Greek government officially recognises only one minority - the Muslim minority of Thrace It has historically regarded the Macedonian Slavs of Greek Macedonia as a linguistic rather than a national group, referring to them as Slavophone Greeks or bilingual Greeks A document issued in the early 1990s, says that "almost all the bilingual inhabitants of the area whose national consciousness was not Greek moved to neighbouring states" in the first half of the 20th Century - by implication, any bilingual people who remained possessed Greek national consciousness The Prespa agreement says the nationality of the people of North Macedonia is "Macedonian/citizen of the Republic of North Macedonia" - which, as the Greek government emphasises, makes no presumption about the existence of a Macedonian ethnicity
At the last minute, the festival was moved to a field outside the village, among the reeds and marshes, without proper facilities - which, Mr Fokas's son points out, only made Greece look bad.
"And do you know why the songs are banned in the square but not the fields outside?" his father adds. "Because around the square there are cafes, and local people could sit there and watch and listen secretly. But outside the village they were afraid to join in - they would have drawn attention to themselves by doing that."
The ratification of Greece's agreement with the Republic of North Macedonia - and, as some argue, its implicit recognition of a Macedonian language and ethnicity - is a major political breakthrough which should help to alleviate such fears. But the process has also sparked new waves of anger and anxiety, with large, sometimes violent protests opposing the agreement, supported by parts of the Orthodox church.
An election is due before the end of the year. Greece's right-wing opposition has been quick to capitalise on nationalist sentiments, accusing the Syriza government of treason and betrayal. For Greece's Slavic-speakers, who have long sought nothing more than the right to cultural expression, the time to emerge from the shadows may not quite yet have arrived.
Mr Fokas has been referred to by his first name to protect his identity
Update 1 March 2018: The language used in this story has been clarified in two places. An error concerning a change to the Macedonian constitution has been removed, and extra information regarding Greece's position with regard to its Slavic-speaking community has been added, including a link to a letter to the BBC from the country's ambassador to the UK.
Last Edit: Oct 22, 2020 14:44:09 GMT -5 by TsarSamuil
They think his tone isn't hostile enough n then start to whine like babies..jesus, what a circus country
VMRO-DPMNE Stages Protest in Skopje, Demand Resignation of Premier Zaev.
Novinite.com Politics | November 27, 2020, Friday // 09:40
VMRO-DPMNE Stages Protest in Skopje, Demand Resignation of Premier Zaev
VMRO – DPNE (The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity) organized a protest rally in Skopje which demanded resignation of Prime Minister Zoran Zaev, Nova TV reported.
The discontent, according to the organizers, was sparked off by Zaev‘s intention to "bargain with the language, the people, with the identity and history of Macedonia". The leader of VMRO-DPMNE, Christian Mitskoski, accused Zoran Yev of using a very conciliatory tone towards neighboring Bulgaria.
Absurd, this Greek doesn't speak for Greece, just for his US masters. Who cares if our attitude gives them a moment's annoyance. Like we would change our way based on something so trivial?
Macedonia's future lies through Bulgaria, nothing else is allowed.
Sofia – Skopje Rivalry and NATO Worries.
Novinite.com Politics | December 1, 2020, Tuesday // 15:03
Bulgaria's insistence on blocking EU accession negotiations with North Macedonia poses risks of creating a new rift on NATO's southeastern flank. Two of the Member States, Greece and Turkey, are already deeply divided. It seems that collisions between two other countries will now arise because of a two-century old dispute on an ethnic basis, writes in his analysis for Kathimerini Stavros Tsimas.
Both Bulgaria and North Macedonia are key regional members of the Alliance. Bulgaria because of its role as supervisor over the Black Sea and southern Russia, and North Macedonia as a buffer against further Russian expansion in the heart of the Balkans. Both countries feel very strongly the impact of the U.S.-Russian conflict over influence.
NATO, however, seems troubled by the Sofia-Skopje rivalry, seeing it as a European issue that needs to be resolved by EU Member States. Bulgaria's objections to North Macedonia's accession to the EU do not stem from accession criteria, such as the need to strengthen democracy and fight corruption.
Instead, these disputes are fueled by historical allegations that fan up nationalism in both countries and will soon have an impact on NATO unless those differences are resolved, the analyst believes.
Anti-Bulgarian sentiments in North Macedonia grow stronger with the blessing of political leadership and the media, and Skopje's stance towards Sofia is becoming more aggressive. The refusal of Sofia to participate in a US air policing in North Macedonia, as well as the withdrawal from the project for the Bulgarian Belene nuclear power plant, is indicative of that.
Instead, Sofia chose to support the natural gas project in the northern port of Greece, Alexandroupolis.
Meanwhile, Bulgaria is preparing for elections in the spring, and the political class relies mainly on nationalist sentiment, trying to shape a new Balkan agenda inspired by the Ottoman Empire and great aspirations of the 19th century, accusing its Balkan brethren of deviating from the right path, the analysis says. /BGNES
Last Edit: Dec 1, 2020 13:38:11 GMT -5 by TsarSamuil
TsarSamuil: Browser is up, but I was doing other things..
Oct 12, 2020 18:58:52 GMT -5
Slavatar: OK.. Regards.
Oct 13, 2020 8:39:57 GMT -5
славянин: зиг хайль
Oct 22, 2020 15:41:37 GMT -5
славянин: дойчен зальдатен
Oct 22, 2020 15:41:56 GMT -5
Milo I.: Deutscher Sauerbraten?
Oct 28, 2020 9:59:34 GMT -5
White Cossack: Who's the best state leader currently?
Dec 6, 2020 8:57:53 GMT -5
TsarSamuil: Viktor Orban?
Dec 8, 2020 5:55:50 GMT -5
Gopnik: from leader's POV, i'd say Kim Jong Un as in north korea he is not forcing any pics of himself nor making a shit ton of songs praising him unlike his dad and grandfather, but instead he is attempting to get the nation out of the shithole it is in today.
Dec 13, 2020 17:16:43 GMT -5
Gopnik: but 1000000% not kim from a citizen's point of view, the Camps in North Korea are horrible.
Dec 13, 2020 17:18:52 GMT -5
White Cossack: You're both right, fellas.
Dec 18, 2020 11:17:53 GMT -5
eternal jew: indeed goys
Dec 18, 2020 12:13:55 GMT -5